Friday, June 20, 2008

World Refugee Day 20 JUNE


A Day to Remember Refugees in Syria

Written by Najla Ahwazi

Today is World Refugee Day, a day of remembrance and recognition of the world’s refugees, of whom there were an estimated 11.4 million in 2007, according to the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Some groups number in the millions—like the 3 million Afghans mainly in Pakistan and Iran, or the 2 million Iraqis in Jordan and Syria. Other groups are much smaller, like the few hundred Ahwazi refugees in Damascus, Syria.

While the number of Ahwazis in Syria may be small, their protection concerns are not. Syria, despite its “Pan-Arab” philosophy, maintains tight and secretive relations with Iran. Iranian refugees in Syria are continuously harassed, followed, intimidated, and jailed—not for transgressions against the Syrian state, but for their political activities and opinions in Iran. Last December, four Ahwazi refugees were forced to flee Damascus to seek asylum for the second time, this time in Lebanon. They had been threatened with extradition to Iran, as well as attacks on them and their families. UNHCR, much to its credit, accepted these men once they reached Lebanon, and agreed to continue processing their cases for third-country resettlement. Their cases remain pending.

Other Ahwazi refugees in Syria are not so lucky. In May 2006, Syrian authorities deported several Ahwazi refugees plus a Dutch national of Ahwazi origin; the men were arrested upon return, and according to friends and family in Iran, severely tortured in prison, where they remain, pending execution. Despite the international outcry over Syria’s deportation of these recognized refugees, the damage was done, and Syria’s blatant violation of the principle of non-refoulement of refugees barely acknowledged.

Then, in March 2007, Syrian agents rounded up six young Ahwazi refugees and held them in one of many secret security detention facilities in Damascus. After forty days’ incommunicado detention, the authorities suddenly released five of the men, who were then resettled to a safe third-country. The fate of the sixth young man remained unknown until the end of the year, when he too was suddenly released and allowed to be resettled well outside of Syria. For nine months, however, neither UNHCR nor the family of the 21 year old man were allowed access to him, or even acknowledgement that he was still alive, or even still in Syria.

Again, despite international attention to this case and attempts at many levels to secure information and release of the detained men, Syria’s harassment of Ahwazi refugees continued unabated. A month later, another Ahwazi refugee was arrested at the airport as he prepared to board a flight to a safe third country. He was held for several weeks, and then suddenly released. His case for resettlement had been pending departure for more than six months, held hostage to slow processing and inadequate attention being paid to Ahwazi cases in the Damascus office of UNHCR.

Then, in the early morning of 5 March 2008, a 31-year old Ahwazi refugee named Saeed Hamadi was about to depart for resettlement when he too was arrested at the Damascus airport. The five Ahwazi men who were there to see him off were likewise detained and questioned, but unlike Saeed, not arrested. Saeed disappeared into one of Syria’s detention centers, where he remains, more than 100 days later. Requests by UNHCR to Syrian authorities have fallen on the typical deaf ears of the regime. Appeals to the UN and International Red Cross/Red Crescent have not produced any information, or acknowledgement of his continued detention. No information is forthcoming, so his friends and family wait, uneasy.

Syria’s arrest of departing refugees not only violates the very nature of refugee protection, it also circumvents the mandate and work of UNHCR to protect the most vulnerable from persecution on the grounds of political opinion. The regime’s targeting of Ahwazi Arab refugees is also ironic, given Syria’s own political ideology espousing pan-Arab solidarity. That a non-Arab state, Iran, is manipulating the actions of this Arab strongman, is disturbing. That the Arab League is mute on the topic of human rights violations against Ahwazi Arabs is shameful. That Ahwazi Arab refugees have no safe haven in Syria—and few alternative places to which they can flee persecution—is unacceptable.

On the day he was arrested at the airport, Saeed Hamadi had a plane ticket, valid entry and travel visa for his destination, and exit permission from the Syrian authorities themselves. He committed no crimes in Syria—and none anywhere else for that matter. Quite the contrary: while in asylum in Syria, Saeed was a leader in his community, tirelessly and selflessly looking out for the most vulnerable Ahwazi refugees.

Saeed Hamadi deserves our thanks for his work as a community leader and liaison. He has the right to protection from persecution, in a place where he can live in security and dignity, without the threat of harassment, arrest or execution for his support of minority rights. On this World Refugee Day, Saeed Hamadi should be safe and free, perhaps working or studying a new language, in his new country. Instead, he remains illegally imprisoned, somewhere in Damascus, for no crime beyond being an Ahwazi refugee in Syria. Saeed, like too many others, became the victim of the Iranian regime’s manipulation of rumor and scare tactics, designed to suppress the Arab minority even after they’ve left Iranian soil.

UNHCR’s World Refugee Day campaign for 2008 states, “Millions of refugees live in urgent need of protection. Remember them today.” We remember Saeed Hamadi, and look forward to the day, hopefully soon, when he’ll be released from prison and safely resettled far from Syria and Iran. We just hope that no other Ahwazi refugees are arrested in the meantime, or ever again.

The Ahwazi Arab Struggle and International Reactions

Source

Although all Iranian citizens suffer political repression and serious restrictions on freedom of expression and assembly, state violence against Ahwazi Arabs is more extreme than against critics in Tehran. Any form of Arab political mobilisation has been crushed, with the government executing anyone suspected of engaging in minority rights activism.

Ahwazi Arab minority rights activists are portrayed by the Iranian government as representing all that it regards as "evil". The government and its supporters routinely denounce Ahwazi rights activists as Satanic, Wahhabi (Sunni extremists), Ba'athist or agents working on behalf of the Israeli, British, US or Saudi governments. Although Ahwazi activists campaign against social, cultural, economic and political exclusion, the government insists they have a religious agenda that is antithetical to the theocratic establishment, the "source of truth." Consequently, Ahwazi dissidents are often put on trial for "enmity with God", which is punishable by death.

Yet, the Ahwazi Arab struggle has been marginalised by exiled opposition groups, such as the monarchists, republicans and even some communists. This is, in part, a legacy of the Pahlavi dynasty's racial nationalism. These "opposition" movements have often declared that they would stand beside the current regime against Ahwazi Arabs to prevent what they see as the destruction of their country by an "alien" race, even when Ahwazis themselves do not advocate secession. Often, supporters of these movements seek to play down the suffering or Ahwazi Arabs or the importance of their struggle to freedom and democracy in Iran, and have lobbied international human rights organizations to eliminate all mention of ethnic discrimination.

Ahwazi Arabs also have few friends in the Arab world, although there is growing recognition of their suffering by some Gulf states such as Kuwait. As they are predominantly Shi'ite, Ahwazis elicit little sympathy from their Sunni Arab brothers. Moreover, many governments in the region are careful not to upset the militaristic and aggressive power lying to their north, viewing the Ahwazi issue as a struggle that could cause them unnecessary problems were they to be involved.

In the international community, the British government, members of the House of Commons, the European Commission and the European Parliament have condemned ethnic discrimination against Ahwazi Arabs and other national groups. However, they have concentrated on individual cases of human rights abuse against Ahwazi Arabs, particularly the use of the death penalty, rather than broader issue of ethnic persecution. British government ministers have voiced concern that any proactive stance could cause more problems than it would solve, confirming Iranian propaganda that claims the British government is funding, training and arming separatist organizations. Neither the UK nor the EU have endorsed the Ahwazi Arabs' right to self-determination or the Mohammerah Declaration of 1979, which embodies the aspirations of Ahwazi Arabs. Yet, if the Iranian regime is to be prevented from driving the Ahwazi people literally off the map, then it's vital that their predicament be placed firmly on the 'political map' here in the West as well as the Arab world. Ahwazi Arabs can neither rely on their Iranian compatriots nor their Arab brothers for support. International solidarity is therefore essential to ending their persecution.

Sunday, June 15, 2008

Al-Intifada, Racism or Nationalism?


A reader, who is not an interested party, may find the posts of this weblog biased and even racist. Well, to begin with, one should consider that when I talk of the racism practiced in Iran, I can not mean only the one practiced against Ahwazi people (though I especially mean that). Racism in Iran is practiced against all of non-Persian ethnic groups living in different parts of Iran. I am not going to go into details of this racism. The case is that when I write in my Arabic weblog in Maktoobblog.com some of Arabs from different countries put comments like "what's your problem with such nice Islamic country?!", or "Come on, we are fed up with Al-Orouba(Arabic Identity)", or "Why don't you Ahwazis just live in peace with Persians, why should you be so racist?".
The worst thing that they could say is about Iranian government being an Islamic one! I really love to see Syria or Egypt go under the control of Ikhwan-Al-Muslemin, so that after tasting the secular dictatorship, get stuck with its Islamic version and then it will be a really interesting story.
Then they talk about us being racist? Of course, I do not expect from Arab nations, who live in censure and ignorance their whole life, to understand our situation. But then what becomes of the scholars? What is the position of Arab Scholars when the question is Palestine? Do they call Palestinian resistance against whatever Israel does to them Racism? Or maybe Israel-Palestine issue is the only one understandable to many of Arabs?
Arab Scholars should go and do some readings to see what really Persian theoreticians and thinkers write about them. People like Zarrinkoub, Safa, Afshar, and many more, are only some examples of Persian racism taught in the universities under the name of history and literature.
On the contrary, we Arab of Ahwaz, live among Persians, marry them, befriend them and communicate with them in all of possible ways. And yet, our Arabic race is a brand on our foreheads to let them recognize that we are different, we are the barbarians, we are the ignorant, we are the enemy, and we are the one whom they should watch and not let move. How is an Ahwazi expected to react? The history of human being reveals that the one who keeps silent in front of oppression is doomed to death and abolition. And this is not something I need to repeat for the wise reader. However, I need to emphasize that raising against discrimination cannot be considered racism itself. If I do not talk for my people, if I do not write about their sufferings, then who should do that? And, moreover, with this little weblog, or other few Ahwazi websites, can we even be counted in front of the huge media of Iranian type that advertise for them day and night? Under suppression the most trivial steps of a small forgotten group of people towards freedom count. This movement takes different shapes. For Ahwazi Arab people it gets the shape of nationalism as the only way possible towards freedom, and it is in no way racism. Racism is for the dominated group. Power brings racism. And for the minority group having something in common is only a motivation, an excuse for movement. How can the nationalistic view of a powerless group under oppression be felt in any way racism?
Which represents racism to a fair eye, Palestine, or Israel? Let Arabs remember this when they want to comment on the peaceful human demands of Ahwazi People for their rights.


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i8UXzSIyGyI